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Subject: NEWS ANALYSIS L.A. Teachers' Pay Dispute Is Ominous Sign for State Labor: More battles are likely as agencies deal with budget woes
Date: Mon, 16 Nov 92 07:57:14 EST
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HEADLINE: NEWS ANALYSIS L.A. Teachers' Pay Dispute Is Ominous Sign for State Labor: More battles are likely as agencies deal with budget woes
Publication Date: Sunday November 15, 1992
BYLINE: BOB BAKER

The dispute between the Los Angeles Unified School District and its
teachers, who are threatening to strike over deep pay cuts, is likely to
be repeated in a growing number of desperate struggles between
increasingly impoverished government agencies and public employee unions,
experts say.

   The bargaining leverage once enjoyed by unions such as United
Teachers-Los Angeles, which successfully struck in 1989 to win large pay
increases, is eroding as governments run increasingly short of funds and
taxpayers remain reluctant to contribute more taxes, these analysts
believe.

   Such a climate, in which collective bargaining becomes a dead-end
game, has ominous overtones for California, one of fewer than a dozen
states where strikes by public employees are legal.

   During much of the 1980s, public sector unions negotiated
significantly better contracts than private sector unions, which were
often forced to accept wage cuts and benefits concessions as American
industry attempted to hold down labor costs in the face of foreign
competition and deregulation.

   At the start of the 1980s, the average American state or local
government worker was earning 21% more than the average private sector
worker. By 1988, the average government worker was making 41% more.

   But that gap is closing rapidly as state and local governments slash
their budgets in response to sagging revenues, which are the consequences
of the nation's sluggish economy and the gradual effect of Reagan and
Bush administration policies that have shifted some federal
responsibilities to the states.

   These trends give the Los Angeles teachers' pay dispute--which for now
is being played out in court--implications beyond education, said David
Lewin, director of UCLA's Institute of Industrial Relations.

   "It is likely to be one in a string of (future labor) disputes in
schools, hospitals and law enforcement . . . having to do with the cost
and quality of what we get in government operated services," Lewin said.
"I don't think this is going to be an isolated example."

   Daniel Mitchell, a professor in the Anderson School of Management at
UCLA, said: "Until a year or two ago, the public sector world was
somewhat insulated from pressures for wage concessions and rollbacks. But
the bloom is off the rose."

   State budgets will grow only 2.4% in 1993, far below the 8% average
annual increase during the 1980s, according to a report by the National
Governors Assn. and the National Assn. of State Budget Officers. State
revenue projections for next year are only 1.1% above this year's
figures.

   Recent labor contracts throughout the nation show that government
workers are paying the price.

   In public employee contracts involving 1,000 workers or more, the
average pay raise was only 2.6% in 1991, down by nearly half from the
average 1990 raise of 5%, according to the federal Bureau of Labor
Statistics. The average private sector union contract signed in 1991
contained a 3.7% pay increase. Among teachers, the trend was similar. The
average American teacher received a 3.6% salary increase last year, down
a third from an average raise of 5.4% in 1990, according to the American
Federation of Teachers.

   In Los Angeles, the first major conflict in response to public sector
wage tightening came a year ago last week, when thousands of county
nurses, social workers and other government employees from several unions
staged a series of brief strikes that disrupted county hospitals and
other government services.

   The unions settled for a small pay increase that was deferred for one
year but won increased county payment of health benefits. A week later,
when that agreement appeared to be in jeopardy, 5,000 of the county's
40,000 employees staged a one-day general strike to pressure the Board of
Supervisors to meet their terms.

   The teachers' pay dispute presents a more intractable case: a
government agency with fewer options and a union with less leverage.

   The Los Angeles Board of Education, facing a $400-million budget
deficit, voted last month to impose pay cuts on all employees, including
a 9% cut in teacher salaries. In response, members of the teachers union
authorized their leaders to call a strike. That decision has been
postponed while lawyers for both sides argue over whether the state
Education Code prevents teachers' pay from being cut after July 1.

   In 1989, teachers struck for sharply increased pay and won a 24%
salary increase over three years. In those three years, the average
California teacher's salary increased a total of 7%, according to the
American Federation of Teachers.

   This year, when the district imposed the pay cut Nov. 6, the teachers
union chose not to strike, threatening only a one-day walkout for the
next week, a plan that was put on hold when the union won a temporary
restraining order against the pay cut. Teachers unions in many other
cash-strapped California school districts are settling for a pay freeze
or tiny increases, according to a California Teachers Assn. spokeswoman.

   "I don't think there's going to be much support for people who strike
in 1992," said Allan Odden, a USC professor of education. "You have 10%
unemployment in California, everybody's scared, the economy's not
growing, most people are thankful they have a job."

   A labor activist familiar with the county workers' strike and the
teachers' pay dispute said teachers have significantly less leverage in
their pay standoff than did county workers.

   The activist, speaking on the condition of anonymity, said teachers
cannot pressure the school district to raise tax revenue because of
Proposition 13; in contrast, the County Board of Supervisors can legally
raise some fees, and did so under pressure from its unions.

   In addition, the school board has relatively few alternative
budget-cutting strategies, while the huge county bureaucracy offered
myriad choices. Finally, teachers negotiate separately from other school
district unions, while most county unions negotiate jointly.

   "The basic lack of leverage the teachers have is that there's no
money," the activist said. "On the other hand, what the teachers do have
going for them is that the world really cares about what they do, and
they'll generate a crisis if they go on strike."

   Linda Babcock, professor of economics at Carnegie Mellon University in
Pittsburgh, Pa., said disputes such as those in the Los Angeles school
district suggest that the tradition of private sector collective
bargaining does not work well in the public sector.

   "In the private sector, unions push for wage increases and somehow the
check is from competition in the marketplace; the union can't keep
pushing and pushing because the firm will go out of business. But in the
public sector you don't have that check on the union," Babcock said.

   Another problem, Babcock said, is that the management side in public
sector disputes--boards of supervisors and school boards--are reluctant
to balance wage increases with layoffs because they are sensitive to
their community's employment needs.

    These factors tend to bring government labor disputes to gridlock
more easily, Babcock said. The hard feelings that result tend to poison
the agencies with a permanent adversarial tone.

   It would be more beneficial, she said, to have an arbitration system
in which both sides made a final offer to an arbitrator, who imposed a
settlement.


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