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Subject: Hong Kong's Governor Takes on China's Leader; Moves Toward Democracy in
Date: Fri, 13 Nov 92 04:39:11 EST
Message-ID: <20.1992Nov13.043912@AmeriCast.com>

Hong Kong's Governor Takes on China's Leader; Moves Toward Demo-
cracy in Enclave Irk Beijing<By Lena H. Sun=Washington Post
Foreign Service=

HONG KONG - During the early 19th century, when foreign emis-
saries to imperial China were expected to appear before the em-
peror on bended knee, one British envoy objected to the practice.
He refused to knock his head on the ground three times as was the
custom. Chinese court officials were forced to tell the emperor
that the envoy had been suddenly immobilized by a stomach ail-
ment. The emperor was furious.

China's modern-day emperors are furious with another foreign em-
issary. Hong Kong Gov. Chris Patten has become the first British
governor to stand up to China by proposing greater democracy for
Hong Kong. In so doing, the 48-year-old former head of Britain's
ruling Conservative Party has set off a political earthquake in
this British colony and the world's largest socialist country,
which will rule the nearly 6 million people of Hong Kong as of
July 1, 1997.

The controversy goes to the heart of Beijing's biggest fear: a
democratic China. If Patten stands his ground, he has a chance to
change history. Hong Kong, already China's role model for every-
thing from stock markets to hair styles, could be the beacon for
spreading democracy on the communist mainland. A newspaper poll
in two southern Chinese cities near Hong Kong even showed strong
support for Patten among mainland Chinese.  Patten broke with a
long-standing British policy of appeasing China when he made his
proposals last month. The proposals, which would broaden Hong
Kong's electoral base and give residents more of a say in choos-
ing legislators, led to the biggest political crisis here since
1989, when Chinese soldiers fired on pro-democracy demonstrators
in Beijing and Hong Kong residents feared the army's tanks would
keep rumbling south into the colony.

China claims the proposals violate basic agreements between China
and Britain over how Hong Kong will be run, and has threatened to
replace the government after 1997.  Beijing has attacked the pro-
posals and Patten personally. The Monday after Patten returned to
Hong Kong from failed talks in Beijing, the Hong Kong stock mark-
et plunged.

Beijing is fighting so hard now because Chinese authorities know
that dismantling Hong Kong's political system after China takes
over in 1997 would risk international condemnation and could
jeopardize investor confidence. When Britain and China agreed on
Hong Kong's handover, China pledged to allow the colony to keep
its capitalist economy intact for 50 years after 1997.

For all the threats, there are signs that Patten, a career poli-
tician who arrived here in July after losing his British parlia-
ment seat in spring elections, may have won the first round in
calling Beijing's bluff.  Chinese authorities continue to ful-
minate. But Patten is not backing down, and is warning his cri-
tics that they have to be accountable to the public. On Tuesday,
China's top official in the territory held talks with Patten. No
details were disclosed.

Ordinary Hong Kong residents do not appear too worried, saying
that China has the most to lose if it tampers with Hong Kong's
success. The stock market - the ultimate barometer of confidence
in this bustling territory - climbed sharply after the big plunge
and is going strong.  "He's transformed the atmosphere," said Em-
ily Lau, a Legislative Council member and pro-democracy advocate.
In the past, "people were despondent because Hong Kong was always
buckling to (Beijing). Suddenly this guy comes along."

Polls continue to show strong support here for Patten's propo-
sals.  Hong Kong's yuppies in particular like him because "he
projects an image of self-confidence that has been lacking here,"
said Jimmy Lai, 44, a self-made millionaire whose clothing chain,
Giordano, is partially owned by mainland interests.

The British policy change toward Hong Kong stems from Prime Min-
ister John Major, whose reelection campaign was managed by Pat-
ten. Major has reportedly been unhappy with Chinese authorities -
and the previous Hong Kong administration - since his trip to
Beijing last year. It was the first by a Western leader after the
1989 Tiananmen Square crackdown, and British sources say it was
hard for Major to swallow. But it was the price London had to pay
for Chinese cooperation on a new Hong Kong airport.

"I think Major was very fed up," said Lau. "He was being forced
to go to Peking to shake the hands of (Chinese Prime Minister) Li
Peng and sort out the airport mess . . .

The agreements between China and Britain do not say anything
specifically about British-instigated changes in Hong Kong before
the 1997 handover. What Patten has done is to exploit gray areas
in the colony's mini-constitution for post-1997 to increase voter
participation in 1995 elections.

Patten has proposed lowering the voting age from 21 to 18; allow-
ing direct election for a series of municipal councils; expanding
greatly the franchise for 30 out of 60 Legislative Council seats
defined by employment or profession; and allowing voters to
choose an electoral committee that would in turn vote for 10
legislators.

On Wednesday, in another move sure to anger Beijing, a majority
of the legislature endorsed Patten's plan. The vote is a strong
indication of the sentiment of the council, which must approve
Patten's final proposals early next year. crackdown is the most
dramatic proof of Beijing's willingness to put down political
dissent even if it means bloodshed.

"They (the Chinese) can switch off the water and cut off the
food," said Martin Lee, Beijing's fiercest critic on the Legisla-
tive Council. "But they are so dependent on Hong Kong today that
it would be to their utter disadvantage if they ruin the economy
and prosperity of this place."

China gets a substantial chunk of its foreign exchange from Hong
Kong. Almost every Chinese province either openly or indirectly
conducts business here. Many Chinese government units have secret
hard currency accounts in the territory. China's key ruling fami-
lies have sons and daughters working in lucrative jobs in Hong
Kong.

Patten says he is standing up for Hong Kong, not trying to pro-
voke Beijing.

"I'm about as confrontational as a digestive biscuit," he said
during an interview at Government House, a colonial mansion with
a view of Hong Kong's gleaming skyscrapers and harbor. "But I'm
not easy to push around."

As the colony's transfer approaches, British officials are clear-
ly concerned that there be a dignified withdrawal.

"This is the last substantial chapter in my country's colonial
history," said Patten. "It's important to write it honorably and
competently. It's not like the other chapters. We're not talking
about bringing a territory to independence." Even though his pro-
posals fall far short of the full democracy sought by some legis-
lators, they represent a sea change for the colony. The previous
governor was a Mandarin-speaking Sinologist who seldom mixed with
the public or the local press and did not believe in upsetting
China.

"When you can speak the language, . . . you're willing to make
allowances for a lot of sins," explained legislator Lee.Lee's
American assistant, Tom Boasberg, said Patten, who speaks no
Chinese, "deals with (Beijing) as a communist dictatorship, in-
stinctively."

Whether Patten can withstand the pressure for the next five years
before the British flag is lowered is the big question. China is
now focusing its lobbying on conservative Hong Kong businessmen.
Because they have huge investments in China and want to become
the new ruling elite after 1997, they are among the most fearful
of upsetting Beijing.

In an unusual move, one group of local businessmen publicly op-
posed Patten's proposals on Monday.  "To run the risk of develop-
ing a political structure which will be dismantled in 4 1/2
years' time is just not acceptable to us," said Vincent Lo,
chairman of the Business and Professionals Federation of Hong
Kong.

The ultimate irony is that Hong Kong's lack of democracy gives
Patten the final say. As a colonial governor, he has wide-ranging
powers. He must submit his proposals to the predominantly ap-
pointed Legislative Council early next year. But if they do not
pass, he can dissolve the council and ram his package through
with an act of Parliament.

"The guy doesn't need votes," said businessman Lai, who supports
Patten. "When a politician does not need votes, he can do any-
thing he wants."<

Special correspondent Daniela Deane contributed to this re-
port.<02:17 11-13C9999-----

Copyright 1992, The Washington Post.  This story is from the
Washington Post's Capitol Edition On-Line and is not to be ar-
chived or redistributed.

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