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Subject: Abortion Rights Win in Md., Death Penalty Fades in D.C.<By Kent Jenkins
Date: Wed, 4 Nov 92 04:54:43 EST
Message-ID: <16.1992Nov4.045444@AmeriCast.com>

Abortion Rights Win in Md., Death Penalty Fades in D.C.<By Kent
Jenkins Jr.=Washington Post Staff Writer=

Voters in the Washington area, energized by emotional local is-
sues and a hot presidential race, went to the polls in heavy
numbers yesterday, voting to protect abortion rights in Maryland
and heading toward rejection of the death penalty in the District
and tax limits in Montgomery County.

On a brilliant autumn day that contributed to what was expected
to be record voter turnout, residents faced an array of questions
affecting almost every aspect of their relationship with govern-
ment.  Reflecting the importance they attached to this election,
they registered in unprecedented numbers, and then many of them
stood in long lines for a half-hour or more yesterday to vote.
Polls stayed open late in some places to accommodate the crush.

Maryland voters easily approved a referendum to keep abortion le-
gal there, even if court decisions protecting abortion rights are
reversed. The issue mobilized many, such as Wheaton nurse Linda
Adelson, who was handing out fliers at a polling place yesterday
urging a yes vote.

"I'm really a shy person," she said. "I can't believe I'm actual-
ly out here. But this means a lot to me."

Maryland voters also easily reelected Sen. Barbara A. Mikulski
(D). Most other House members from Maryland, Virginia and the
District were expected to be returned to office, despite the
widespread perception that the public was fed up with incumbents.

In the District, residents were caught between their outrage over
crime and resentment because Congress forced them to consider the
death penalty as a deterrent for the rising tide of violence. In
midday returns, the measure was being rejected by a 2 to 1 mar-
gin.

"I really think it's state-sponsored murder. I'm not really con-
vinced that it's a deterrent, and on top of which I really resent
the way it was imposed on us by Congress," said Peter Winkler, a
National Geographic employee who voted no.

District voters appeared headed for approving limits on campaign
contributions that would be among the toughest in the nation.

In Montgomery County, voters rejected a measure that would have
limited local property taxes. There and in three other suburban
Maryland counties, voters were asked to limit taxes that local
governments can collect or restrict how long officials can stay
in office, or both.

"There have been so many tax increases, and they have all come in
one fell swoop," said Keith Haller, president of Potomac Survey
Research, which does polling. "It's been too much for a lot of
people to take in one short time."

In Prince George's and Anne Arundel counties, the initiatives
would limit the increase in tax collections to the rate of infla-
tion. In Montgomery, angry voters had sought to balance an in-
crease in the county's income tax with a decrease in property
taxes.  Voters in Prince George's and Howard counties also were
deciding on measures that would limit the terms of county council
members, a move that would force more than half the Prince
George's County Council to retire at the next election.

Voters were not against spending everywhere. In Virginia, polls
suggested that a sizable majority favored a massive bond issue
for higher education, giving local governments across the area a
mixed message on how they should respond in the economic slump.

The area's political establishment had responded in a variety of
ways. Frustrated residents had gone over the heads of elected of-
ficials to put the populist measures on the ballot, and in many
cases the public appeared unimpressed with what their leaders
thought about them.

In the District, virtually every elected official campaigned
against the death penalty, but support was substantial going into
the election. In Maryland, the General Assembly already had
passed a law protecting abortion rights, but opponents were able
to stop its implementation unless it won voter approval.

Both the District and Maryland traditionally take liberal posi-
tions on social issues. The approval of the Maryland abortion
measure fit that mold, but a victory for the death penalty in the
District would represent a major exception.

In suburban Maryland, grass-roots groups had moved to dramatical-
ly restructure local governments.  The tax-limit proposal was be-
lieved to have the best chance of passing in Prince George's,
which embraced a tax revolt in the late 1970s.

Several Maryland politicians said voter anger at governments
there has been fueled by the state's long-running budget crisis,
which has forced repeated cuts in state and local services and
some local tax increases. Gov. William Donald Schaefer, state
lawmakers and local leaders have bickered for months, blaming
each other for incorrectly assessing the state's financial
health.

The calls for tax cuts contrasted sharply with calls for in-
creased spending in Virginia, where the state budget has been cut
with much less political infighting. Polls showed that voters
overwhelmingly favored the $400 million bond issue for colleges
and universities, and the state's political establishment has un-
ited behind a lobbying campaign for the measure.

Early results suggested that Washington area residents were
responding to the message of change from Democratic presidential
nominee Bill Clinton, yesterday's apparent winner. But even as
many endorsed new blood in the White House, they were headed to-
ward rejecting radical change in the local congressional delega-
tions. Mikulski's easy victory was one such sign.

In the last two presidential elections, Republicans fared well in
Northern Virginia and suburban Maryland, while Democrats main-
tained their traditional lock on the District. Four years ago,
President Bush won a crushing 18 percentage-point victory in
Northern Virginia and lost suburban Maryland by less than one
point.

But this year in initial returns, Bush was being swamped in Mary-
land and was in a tight race with Clinton in Northern Virginia.
Bush's strength in affluent areas such as Fairfax and Montgomery
counties had waned considerably since 1988.

At the same time, strongly negative campaigns were mounted
against several Democratic congressional incumbents by GOP chal-
lengers. Virginia's James P. Moran Jr. and Maryland's Steny H.
Hoyer were attacked repeatedly by Republicans Kyle E.  McSlarrow
and Larry Hogan Jr., who tried to capitalize on widespread anger
at Congress.

"Everybody's mad at the institution, but around here they still
don't seem too mad at their own congressman," said Fairfax County
GOP Chairman D. Patrick Mullins. "We haven't had a whole lot of
check-bouncing or that kind of thing locally. And if congressmen
can distance themselves from that, they aren't going to get a
whole lot of heat."<02:15 11-04C9999-----

Copyright 1992, The Washington Post.  This story is from the
Washington Post's Capitol Edition On-Line and is not to be ar-
chived or redistributed.

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